{"id":888,"date":"2026-05-31T10:30:18","date_gmt":"2026-05-31T10:30:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/california-relocation-journal.com\/?p=888"},"modified":"2026-05-31T10:30:18","modified_gmt":"2026-05-31T10:30:18","slug":"l-a-politics-fractures-amid-dissatisfaction-frayed-alliances-generational-conflict","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/california-relocation-journal.com\/?p=888","title":{"rendered":"L.A. politics fractures amid dissatisfaction, frayed alliances, generational conflict"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

In 1973, Tom Bradley became L.A.\u2019s. first Black mayor by assembling Black, Jewish, white and Latino liberals into a coalition that ended decades of conservative white rule at City Hall. <\/p>\n

Read more Becerra is lashed by rivals over his Beltway background<\/a><\/p>\n

Bradley\u2019s election transformed Los Angeles politics and began what has been, for the most part, a 50-year reign of moderate Democrats. Year after year, the election map has changed, but liberal centrists have usually remained on top.<\/p>\n

But as Mayor Karen Bass seeks reelection, she is struggling to unite her traditional base as she faces attacks from Democratic Socialists of America Councilwoman Nithya Raman on the left and Republican reality TV star Spencer Pratt on the right. <\/p>\n

Some political experts in L.A. say mainstream Democrats are floundering as they try to patch together their coalitions in an era when poll after poll shows the city\u2019s residents frustrated with the status quo.<\/p>\n

\u201cOverwhelmingly, Angelenos feel Los Angeles doesn\u2019t work,\u201d said Fernando Guerra, founding director of the Center for the Study of Los Angeles at Loyola Marymount University. \u201cYou have this liberal regime that has dominated from \u201873 to \u201826 and it\u2019s stagnant.\u201d<\/p>\n

Traditional voting patterns, political experts agree, are unraveling as L.A.\u2019s mounting housing costs create new political fault lines in this city of 3.9 million. The devastating 2025 wildfires, along with enduring problems of homelessness, declining city infrastructure and traffic, have exacerbated discontent.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s still possible Bass can pull off reelection in the nonpartisan mayoral race and some coalition of centrist Democrats can survive. But the fact that she is unlikely to avoid a runoff when U.S. incumbents typically win at a 90% rate, Guerra said, shows that L.A.\u2019s mainstream Democratic institutions are hollowing out.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe problem is not Bass,\u201d Guerra said, adding: \u201cAny regime that lasts for that long begins to fall upon itself. … It stagnates and stops being innovative, and just becomes protective of the ingrained interests that have nurtured that coalition.\u201d<\/p>\n

Republicans hope that Pratt\u2019s social-media-fueled critique of L.A. leaders\u2019 failures in emergency preparation and response<\/u> after the fires and high spending on homeless programs<\/u> can lead a new generation of conservative Angelenos to the polls.<\/p>\n

Most political observers in L.A., however, are confident that the city\u2019s future is not conservative. <\/p>\n

The DSA, a decentralized anti-capitalist group, has made inroads in L.A. as it advocates for rental protections, defunding the police and a Green New Deal. Over the last six years, Angelenos have elected four DSA-backed City Council members and a DSA-recommended city controller. <\/p>\n

\u201cL.A. is clearly a city that is steadily moving to the left,\u201d said Jim Newton, executive director of UCLA Blueprint magazine and a veteran political journalist who worked for the L.A. Times for 25 years.<\/p>\n

\u201cPeople are unhappy, but they\u2019re not unhappy enough to vote for a Republican,\u201d Guerra agreed. \u201cThey have been looking at the other alternatives: the Democratic Socialist party that is the challenge to the establishment.\u201d<\/p>\n

Some caution, however, that it is too early to map out Los Angeles\u2019 political future.<\/p>\n

Raphael Sonenshein, executive director of the Haynes Foundation and author of \u201cPolitics in Black and White: Race and Power in Los Angeles<\/u>,\u201d said sweeping generational changes are happening in L.A. politics.<\/p>\n

\u201cI think everything is up for grabs,\u201d Sonenshein said, noting that he expected more competition for Latino and Asian voters, young voters and even older Democrats. \u201cCertainly, younger voters are completely up for grabs. It\u2019s just hard to know where they\u2019re going to end up. … Small shifts in the primary can make a very big difference.\u201d<\/p>\n

L.A. rose as the Republican stronghold of California.<\/p>\n

As a massive influx of white Midwesterners descended on L.A. after the 1885 opening of the Santa Fe railroad, conservative white civic leaders \u2014 including the owners of the L.A. Times \u2014 touted the city as the GOP counterpart to progressive, union-friendly San Francisco. Liberal Black and white Angelenos were shut out of citywide power. <\/p>\n

The purpose of the Bradley coalition, Sonenshein said, was to \u201cbreak open the stranglehold of a city establishment that was … unresponsive to the diversity of the community.\u201d<\/p>\n

Bradley, an even-keeled attorney and former police officer, was well positioned to bridge L.A.\u2019s racial divides. As a police community relations officer, he had cultivated relationships with Jewish business owners. He was an early supporter of L.A.\u2019s first Latino City Council member, Edward Roybal, and had already united Black and Jewish Angelenos in the 10th District as the city\u2019s first Black City Council member.<\/p>\n

After his 1973 win, as waves of new immigrants moved to L.A., Bradley brought more Latinos and Asian Americans into the fold. A conscious alliance of minority communities reelected Bradley, helping him become the longest-serving mayor in L.A. history.<\/p>\n

But by the 1990s, frustration had swelled over L.A.\u2019s crime, pollution and poverty. Bradley\u2019s popularity plummeted after Black motorist Rodney King was brutally beaten by LAPD officers in 1991 and riots erupted across the city the next year when a largely white jury acquitted the officers. More than 60 people were killed.<\/p>\n

As Bradley prepared to step down, Democrats struggled to find a successor who could unite liberal Black, white, Latino and Asian Angelenos.<\/p>\n

Still, some were skeptical that Richard Riordan, a Republican venture capitalist, would win. Riordan was a moderate, easygoing philanthropist, Newton said, and Republicans at the time made up 30% of L.A.\u2019s registered voters, double their number now. Even so, he noted, \u201cthere were people who thought this is just not what this city is, the city doesn\u2019t need a multimillionaire white guy Republican.\u201d<\/p>\n

Voters thought differently. After securing the support of San Fernando Valley Republicans and Democratic centrists and making small inroads among Latinos, Riordan became the first Republican L.A. mayor elected in 36 years<\/u>.<\/p>\n

The Bradley coalition was \u201ca spent force,\u201d Sonenshein said. \u201cBut new players were emerging in prominent roles, working to forge new types of alliances and, at times, temporary coalitions.\u201d<\/p>\n

When California voters in 1994 passed the anti-immigrant Proposition 187, which barred undocumented immigrants from receiving many public services, Latino participation in L.A. politics<\/u> surged. Asian Americans also began to rise<\/u>.<\/p>\n

But after Bradley, there was no single Democratic coalition in the city.<\/p>\n

When Antonio Villaraigosa challenged James Hahn in 2001 and 2005, Sonenshein said, Hahn drew support from the Black community and the Valley, Villaraigosa from Latinos and liberals. When Eric Garcetti defeated Wendy Greuel in 2013, Greuel had strong support in Black South L.A., but Garcetti managed to win with the white and Latino vote.<\/p>\n

\u201cPeople have to piece it together, because the Democrats have such a larger edge in L.A. than they did in Bradley\u2019s age,\u201d he said. \u201cIt\u2019s almost a kind of entrepreneurial thing: You\u2019ve got to go out and build a majority each time, and those alliances shift.\u201d<\/p>\n

There were still challenges from the right. But in 2022, when billionaire real estate developer Rick Caruso ran against Bass on a centrist law-and-order platform, he switched his party affiliation from Republican to Democratic. Some saw that as a recognition that a Republican could not win in L.A.<\/p>\n

Bass defeated Caruso<\/u> by nearly 10 percentage points.<\/p>\n

Like Bradley, Bass is a pragmatic politician with a long record of forging relationships behind the scenes. <\/p>\n

In the 1990s, she founded the grassroots Community Coalition<\/u> to combat the public health crises that plagued South L.A. amid the crack-cocaine epidemic.<\/p>\n

Read more How Monica Rodriguez went from a thorn in Bass\u2019 side to an unlikely ally<\/a><\/p>\n

But as Bass presides over a City Hall that is almost entirely dominated by Democrats, discontent is spreading. Polls show a substantial portion of the electorate views her unfavorably because of her handling of the Palisades fire. <\/p>\n

Guerra said the lack of affordable housing had created a unique moment: Even after the King riots, the Northridge earthquake and the O.J. Simpson trial, he said, Angelenos were still invested in living in the city.<\/p>\n

\u201cYou could still buy a home. You could still see yourself nurturing L.A., but also L.A. nurturing you,\u201d Guerra said. <\/p>\n

For Guerra, centrist Democrats have been so successful at inclusion they have struggled to identify priorities.<\/p>\n

\u201cThere are too many members of the coalition and there are too many of the members who have veto power, which then leads to paralysis,\u201d Guerra said. \u201cThe paralysis is what\u2019s led to the lack of innovation, the failure to pursue policies that make sense for the greater good.\u201d <\/p>\n

The dysfunction, he said, is particularly clear on housing.<\/p>\n

\u201cEvery NIMBY in every neighborhood, in every council district, is like, \u2018We want housing, but not here,\u2019\u201d Guerra said. \u201cThat, replicated everywhere, leads to paralysis and no housing.\u201d<\/p>\n

It has also led to renters becoming a rising political constituency \u2014 a big shift from the Bradley era, when homeowners were the city\u2019s dominant voters.<\/p>\n

But that doesn\u2019t mean working-class Angelenos have a bigger voice now in L.A. politics. Instead, the middle class is splintering along generational lines.<\/p>\n

\u201cMiddle-class young folks graduating from college, who have extraordinary amounts of debt, cannot buy homes,\u201d said Sara Sadhwani, a politics professor at Pomona College. \u201cThe city still has issues with food insecurity and low-wage worker protections, but those are not the issues dominating anymore.\u201d<\/p>\n

While L.A. Democrats have long focused on assembling coalitions of Black, Latino, Asian American and other minority activists, Sadhwani said, what was often not spoken about was the role of the city\u2019s \u201cnonprofit industrial complex.\u201d <\/p>\n

\u201cNonprofits have a huge role,\u201d she said, noting that Bass came of that world. \u201cTheir politics are shifting.\u201d Before 2020, she said, progressives focused on racial justice, immigration reform, and creating an economy that respects the work of immigrants; now, the focus is largely on homelessness and policing. <\/p>\n

\u201cWhat it means to be a progressive today,\u201d Sadhwani said, \u201cis actually quite different from what it was to be a progressive even just five years ago.\u201d<\/p>\n

Even as L.A. is clearly still a Democratic stronghold, Republicans say there are signs that some Angelenos are not in lockstep with liberal activists.<\/p>\n

Donald Trump\u2019s share of the vote in L.A. in the last three presidential elections, they note, climbed from 16% in 2016 to 21% in 2020 and 27% in 2024. And there is evidence that voters, at least at the county level, are questioning some criminal justice reforms. <\/p>\n

In 2024, L.A. County voters ousted progressive incumbent Dist. Atty. George Gasc\u00f3n<\/u>, who eliminated cash bail for misdemeanors and nonviolent felonies and championed rehabilitation over punitive sentencing. A majority of county voters also backed Proposition 36, allowing stiffer penalties for crimes of repeat theft and possession of hard drugs.<\/p>\n

With Republicans making up about 15% of L.A.\u2019s registered voters, Rob Stutzman, a GOP strategist, said Pratt might win enough independent voters and disaffected Democrats to make it past the primary. But he would then struggle to get more than 50% in the runoff.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe math just isn\u2019t there, but in addition to that it\u2019s the stink of Trump,\u201d Stutzman said. \u201cThe tribal politics of today make a Republican victory in L.A. very difficult.\u201d<\/p>\n

Raman stunned L.A.\u2019s political establishment in 2020 when she was elected L.A.\u2019s first DSA-backed City Council member. <\/p>\n

As she runs for mayor, the Los Angeles chapter of the DSA hopes to expand its power as it endorses<\/u> a new slate of 2026 candidates for City Council, city attorney and L.A. school board.<\/p>\n

Raman is clearly betting that a big, viable part of the electorate is to Bass\u2019 left, Newton said.<\/p>\n

The DSA, Newton said, had done a good job in recent years of identifying renters\u2019 interests and advancing them to usher in a \u201cnewer, younger, probably more progressive edge to the city\u2019s politics.\u201d<\/p>\n

But so far, Raman, who has aligned herself with the DSA on issues such as renter protections but deviated on police spending, is struggling to unite the organization.<\/p>\n

The Harvard and MIT graduate caught the DSA and her fellow City Council members off guard when she entered the mayoral race<\/u> just before the filing deadline.<\/p>\n

In March, the L.A. chapter of the DSA announced it would recommend Raman for mayor, but not formally endorse her. This month, a trio of her fellow DSA-backed City Council members endorsed Bass<\/u>.<\/p>\n

After building momentum, the DSA\u2019s failure to rally around a 2026 mayoral candidate could hurt the movement for several election cycles, Guerra said.<\/p>\n

\u201cThis dissension is setting them back,\u201c Guerra said. \u201cThey really do have an opportunity to elect a DSA mayor.\u201d<\/p>\n

Bass has seized on Raman\u2019s lack of support in City Hall to critique her coalition-building skills.<\/p>\n

\u201cIf you want to be the mayor and you can\u2019t get along with people who are your colleagues on council,\u201d Bass said recently, \u201cI don\u2019t know how you\u2019re supposed to govern at all.\u201d<\/p>\n

In the end, the outcome of L.A.\u2019s mayoral race may not depend so much on Bass\u2019 ability to inspire her traditional Democratic coalition. The question is whether a new generation can find a way to represent a mass of Angelenos with bold new visions and coalitions of their own. <\/p>\n

Read more Toxic fumes from Tehran oil fires affected an area the size of Italy<\/a><\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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